People expected disturbances and chaos, but they were proved wrong.
With the passing of President Yasser Arafat, the Palestinians and
their National Authority faced the challenge of showing to the
world a high level of maturity by assuring an orderly and peaceful
transfer of power. Both leadership and people rose admirably to the
occasion, as Rawhi Fatouh, the speaker of the Palestinian
Legislative Council (PLC), assumed the responsibilities of interim
president for a period of 60 days, in accordance with the
stipulations of Palestinian basic law.
On January 9, 2005, Palestinians elected their new president under
the watchful eyes of more than 800 international observers, who
praised the display of democracy and transparency in the voting
process. Seven candidates representing various political factions
ran for the presidency. The campaigns were serious and spirited,
yet nonviolent and highly organized. Despite of the fact that all
polls gave a clear lead to Mahmoud Abbas, the candidate of the
Fateh movement, the largest faction in the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO), all other contenders worked hard to gain voters
support, as they viewed the presidential elections an opportunity
to prepare the ground for the upcoming PLC elections scheduled for
July 2005. Abbas won with 62.5 percent of the votes and was
confirmed as the new Palestinian president in a ceremony of
transference of power. This was genuine Palestinian democracy at
work.
A Tragic Death
With the heavy burden that he inherits, President Abbas is in no
enviable position. Arafat's death came after three years of being
under siege and imprisoned among the rubble of his office/
residence in the Muqata'a in Ramallah. Prior to his death, he was
subjected to an intensive and systematic character assassination
campaign. He was accused of involvement in turning the second
intifada into an armed uprising, and of financing attacks against
Israelis, including civilians. He was boycotted by most leaders of
the international community, who had buckled under American
pressure. Arafat denied any connection with terror, insisting that
the smear campaign was designed to de-legitimize him and to force
him to cave in to Israeli territorial and political dictates aimed
at imposing a solution that fell far short of the minimum
Palestinian national demands and requirements. Espousing the
Israeli position, the U.S. administration insisted on a change of
Palestinian leadership; many Israeli leaders called for more
extreme measures - the expulsion of Arafat, even his
liquidation.
Arafat's sudden, tragic death came as a shock to every Palestinian.
The days pass but he remains in the hearts and thoughts of his
people. He was and will continue to be the symbol of the
Palestinian national struggle, the man who founded the Fateh
movement in the early 1960s, who led the Palestinian national
movement for decades, and who stood undeterred in the face of all
the pressures placed on him to give in. He is considered a shaheed
(martyr) who sacrificed his life for the sake of the Palestinian
national cause. His mysterious death and the absence of any medical
explanation have led to various speculations regarding its cause.
Shortly after his funeral, his nephew, Nasser al-Qudwa, the new
Palestinian minister of foreign affairs and former Palestinian
ambassador to the United Nations, declared it "the duty of the
Palestinian leadership to make every possible effort to get at the
truth and find out what caused his death."
Severe Deterioration
The four years preceding Arafat's death have seen a severe
deterioration in Palestinian life, both on individual and national
levels. Israel's harsh collective punishment has left their
infrastructure in tatters and has led to a sharp rise in
unemployment and poverty. The Israeli measures were coupled with
internal restrictions on the freedom of movement of persons and
goods, and the fragmentation of the Palestinian territories into
separate zones or "Bantustans" as many people would rightly call
them.
The Israeli army implemented a policy of illegal execution -
targeted assassination as they were termed - of Palestinian
activists, often causing major collateral damage as civilian lives
were lost and property was destroyed. All the while, extreme
right-wing elements within the Israeli government continued their
intensive activities of Jewish settlement expansion in the Occupied
Palestinian Territories (OPT), and the building of the so-called
separation wall, a de facto annexing of huge tracts of Palestinian
land to Israel, integrating the infrastructure of the Jewish
settlements into Israel, thus impeding any future withdrawal.
Security and the fight against terror were the pretexts used to
justify an expansionist ideology.
The loss of hope among Palestinians in any eventual political
settlement, and the poverty and desperate conditions to which the
harsh Israeli measures had led them, served to breed hatred and
extremism among the population. Violence extended beyond resistance
to the occupation itself, as suicide attacks targeted Israeli
civilians. Both sides became locked in a vicious circle of violence
and counter-violence, each side accusing the other of promoting
violence and insisting that it be the first to stop.
A Heavy Agenda
President Abbas has his work cut out for him. On the domestic
front, he has to convince his people that he can fill Arafat's
shoes; that he will not compromise on their basic rights, or allow
the outbreak of civil war; and that he will not be a puppet in
Israeli or American hands. Equally, he has to prove that he is able
to end his people's suffering; that he can enforce the rule of law,
restore domestic security and public order, and bring about
economic prosperity and boom at the same time. His agenda already
includes the weighty issues of the reformation of the judiciary and
the security apparatuses, the development of the institutions of
governance and the political system, the improvement of the
financial and economic systems, and, most important, the resumption
of a political process that will end the Israeli military
incursions into and siege of Palestinian towns.
In his inauguration speech on January 15, 2005, Abbas referred to
all these imperatives. He also identified the major challenges and
the Palestinian aspirations and concerns, spelling out his position
vis-à-vis all the issues at stake:
a. Negotiations are the strategic choice of the PLO as the means of
achieving a just peace and attaining the aspirations of the
Palestinian people, emphasizing the Palestinian readiness to resume
permanent-status negotiations;
b. An end to the occupation, and the establishment of a Palestinian
state on the 1967 borders, with Jerusalem as its capital, stressing
that an end to the occupation is a prerequisite for the achievement
and success of a Palestinian democracy;
c. A just and mutually agreed upon solution to the refugee problem,
based on international resolutions, especially UN Resolution 194
and the resolution of the Beirut Arab summit of April 2002;
d. A commitment to the Road Map and the responsibilities and
obligations emanating from it, on both the Palestinian and Israeli
sides;
e. A stress on the need for Israel to immediately stop its
assassination policy, end the siege on Palestinian towns, stop
arrests, release prisoners, refrain from land confiscation,
settlement activity and the building of the separation wall;
f. A call upon the international community to play a direct role in
monitoring the implementation of the Road Map.
Naturally, the question on everyone's mind is whether the new
president will be able to initiate a move in the right direction,
and whether he will succeed in his extremely delicate balancing act
and accomplish the heavy tasks that lay ahead. He has, on the one
hand, to deal with the concerns of his own constituency, the
Palestinians, who wish to see a long-awaited positive change in
their daily life. Thus, he has to put an end to the reigning chaos
and carry on with the reforms of the Palestinian Authority (PA)
institutions, and, above all, restore freedom and dignity to his
people. On the other hand, he has to address Israel's demands that
attacks against Israelis stop; and additionally, he has to meet the
expectations of the international community, which call for
democracy, financial reform and transparency, as well as a halt to
the violence and terror, in order to meet the Israeli conditions
for the resumption of political negotiations - a very tall order.
So far he has taken several crucial steps proving that he is on the
right track.
Similar Concerns, Different Priorities
Admittedly, the concerns of both sides coincide and intertwine;
their priorities, however, differ. Israel and the U.S have been
fast to demand security reforms and an end to the attacks against
Israelis. The Palestinians need to see tangible improvements on the
ground - a sense of security; better economic conditions; an end to
Israeli killings, house demolition and tree uprooting; and an end
to the siege and restrictions on their movement so that they can
get on with their lives. The question remains, how can the cycle of
violence be broken, even as a political process kicks off?
There is no easy answer. President Abbas has to start putting his
own house in order. This will entail replacing senior officials,
mainly within the security apparatus, fighting corruption, and
reforming the PA. All these measures need to be implemented for the
sake of the national interest of the Palestinians, and should not
be viewed as an attempt to meet and satisfy Israeli-U.S.
requests.
The president has already had the occasion to prove his willingness
to translate words into deeds. Following the cease-fire that was
announced at the Sharm el-Sheikh summit [February 2005], Hamas
shelled Jewish settlements in the Gaza Strip with al-Qassam rockets
in retaliation for the killing of two Palestinians at the hands of
the Israeli army. The Hamas claim that Israel did not respect the
cease-fire coincided with riots inside Gaza city and an assault by
Palestinian militants on a Palestinian jail. Abbas' reaction was
swift. He fired a number of high-ranking officers, and stepped up
the work on the reform of the security forces. At the same time, he
went to Gaza and held intensive talks with the leaders of Hamas,
Islamic Jihad and other factions - all of whom subsequently issued
statements declaring their full commitment to the cease-fire.
Reciprocity - A Key
Despite of recent official declarations by Israel that it would
make painful concessions, release prisoners, and withdraw from
Palestinian cities, nothing has changed on the ground. Scores of
bulldozers are still working around the clock for the building of
the separation wall; daily orders are issued for the confiscation
of thousands of acres of Palestinian land to be annexed within the
wall or for the expansion of Jewish settlements. If Israel persists
in this line of action, the window of opportunity provided by the
election of Mahmoud Abbas will sooner or later be closed.
Israel cannot pretend to remain merely a bystander, but must take
active measures to normalize the conditions of Palestinian daily
life. No one can expect Abbas to unilaterally stop the attacks
against Israelis if Israel doesn't freeze all settlement (colonies)
activity, including the building of the wall; if it doesn't desist
from its assassination of Palestinian activists; and if it doesn't
proceed to lift the restrictions on the Palestinians, allowing them
to live in peace and dignity. Israel must show its serious and
sincere intentions in dealing with Abbas by taking reciprocal
steps.
Elections for the PLC will be held on July 17. They should be used
as a lever to launch a process of qualitative change in
Palestinian-Israeli relations. Preparations for these elections
should start at least 100 days before polling day. A mutual
cease-fire and the full implementation of the first phase of the
Road Map can open new horizons for the political process which
should start with a clear-cut concept. Its final goal should be the
ending of the Israeli occupation, the establishment of a
Palestinian sovereign state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with
East Jerusalem as its capital, and a fair and just solution to the
Palestine refugee problem. These are the basic requirements for the
achievement of the two-state vision: Israel and Palestine as
sovereign states living side by side in peace and harmony.