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Vol. 25 No. 3&4 , 2020
Women | Peace | Security
Editorial

While the year 2020 was heading toward its end, we at the Palestine-Israel Journal were heading toward closing our last issue for this year, which is devoted to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace, and security. With wonderful, outstanding women from academia and the public sector, we believe we have produced an excellent issue. We believe that it will serve as an impressive resource on this resolution not only for Palestine and Israel but the whole world. Because of the global importance of the subject, we were careful to include a wide spectrum of contributions from the region and abroad. This issue was made possible by the generous support of the Foreign Ministry of the Federal Republic of Germany, and for that we express our gratitude and thanks. This is not the first time that we have collaborated with the German government, and we hope it will not be the last.

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This issue was sponsored by
Federal Foreign Office - Auswärtiges Amt
Table of Contents
    Editorial
  1. 1325, Peace, and Security in the Shadow of COVID-19 ( )

    By Ziad AbuZayyad Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
    2. In Memoriam
  2. Farewell to Dr. Saeb Erekat ( )

    By Ziad AbuZayyad Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
    3. Focus
  3. 1325 in the Context of the Middle East Conflict ( )
    Women were massively underrepresented in past peace negotiations between the Israeli and Palestinian Governments; future initiatives on the part of Israeli and Palestinian civil society should work to increase the participation of women.
    By Bärbel Kofler Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  4. Changing the Mindset: Equalities Across the Occupation Lines ( )
    The full realization of gender equality is imperative because women can shift the paradigm from military to human security and from victimhood to inclusive humanity and transform the unequal power dynamics of Israel-Palestine relations.
    By Frances Raday and Khuloud Dajani and Lucy Nusseibeh and Galit Hasan-Rokem Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  5. Israel, Palestine, and UNSC Resolution 1325: Then and Now ( )
    The campaign for the substantive implementation of 1325 in Israel and Palestine, after many years of joint, parallel, and separate action and multiple detours and setbacks, is finally beginning to mature — albeit against an even more challenging reality.
    By Naomi Chazan Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  6. 1325 Still Promising? ( )
    To make the most of the potential of 1325, we need to ensure that enough women with a good understanding of gender and from a wide range of backgrounds are at the table and to challenge traditional gender norms, address traditional patriarchal mindsets, and shift traditional structural power imbalances.
    By Lucy Nusseibeh Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  7. Resolution 1325 – Marginalization and Participation in Israeli Women’s Peace Movements ( )
    Increasing women's representation in peace movements requires an intersectional approach to addressing collective identities, issues of diversity and privilege, women's sense of irrelevance, and the threat of violence.
    By Shiri Levinas Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  8. The Unique Case of Palestinian Women in East Jerusalem ( )
    Women in East Jerusalem suffer equally from the political oppression of occupation and from gender norms that restrict their access to a proper education and employment, a situation that has deteriorated since the signing of the Oslo Accords and the shift of Palestinian political activity to Ramallah.
    By Nivine Sandouka Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  9. An Analysis of UNSC Resolution 1325 ( )
    The unproven argument that women should be included in decision-making regarding war, peace, and security because they bring something unique to the table — the presumption that they are more peace-loving — risks confining women only to matters of "soft security."
    By Galia Golan Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  10. Implementing 1325: One Woman Does Not Women Make ( )
    We have a long way to go before we are sitting, not as one woman but as women, at the tables where decisions about war and peace are made.
    By Cora Weiss Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  11. The Challenge of Implementing UNSC Resolution 1325 Under Colonial Rule ( )
    The resolution’s call on states to “protect women and girls from gender-based violence” is not applied in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, where the Israeli state is directly responsible for this violence
    By Nadia Naser-Najjab Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  12. Women: The Future of Humankind ( )
    Including women in peacemaking processes adds a broader range of perspectives and enhances the ability of peacemakers to address the concerns of a wider range of stakeholders, which, in turn, leads to more sustainable peace.
    By Baria Yussef Ahmar Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  13. No Entry: How Israeli Women Were Barred from Peacemaking ( )
    The full inclusion of women and other minority groups in future attempts to resolve regional conflicts requires tackling the structural and cultural forces that have prevented it, namely, the reemergence of conservative values and right-wing politics and the "switching" of "security" for "faith."
    By Sarai B. Aharoni Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  14. Celebrating 20 years of 1325: The Occupation and Violence Against Palestinian Women ( )
    No practical decisions and steps have been taken to achieve actual change on the ground to ensure the rights of Palestinian women, who suffer from violence stemming from the Israeli occupation and repressive measures, political paralysis, an outdated legal system, poverty and unemployment, and the effects of the coronavirus pandemic.
    By Alaa Murrar Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  15. Taking Stock of the Second Decade of Resolution 1325: Some Progress, but... ( )
    To address persistent gaps in implementation and accountability, we need to change policy and the decision-making culture and shift from hard, state-centric, militarized approaches to security to prevention-based, community-driven, human security approaches.
    By Mavic Cabrera-Balleza Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  16. Palestinian Women’s Organizations Trapped by International Conventions ( )
    Although the Palestinian women’s movement that emerged during the Mandate was linked to, and made important contributions to, the national agenda, since the 1990s women have become subordinate to men in the Palestinian political sphere and their rights have become dependent on international laws.
    By Nadia Harhash Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  17. The Importance of Realizing 1325 in Israel: A Challenge Against All the Odds ( )
    Israel’s failure to adopt a National Action Plan to implement Resolution 1325 demonstrates a policy of indifference to the need to act to achieve equality for women, which is particularly egregious in the context of the ongoing armed conflict.
    By Frances Raday Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  18. UNSC Resolution 1325 and CEDAW: Distinct yet Complementary ( )
    United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women can be used together to expand, strengthen, and operationalize gender equality in the context of conflict, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction.
    By Nida Kamhawi-Bitar Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  19. Women Peace and Security in the Context of India ( )
    While women have long been involved in peacemaking efforts, Resolution 1325 has been ineffective because it neither recognized women's civil society groups already active in the field nor was enforced
    By Paula Banerjee Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  20. 1325 As an Important Resource for Advancing Israeli-Palestinian Peace ( )
    The Civil Society Action Plan redefined "security" to include many voices among women's organizations and show that any change in the concept of women’s representation and protection requires a broad concept of security.
    By Anat Thon-Ashkenazy Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  21. Promoting Implementation of Resolution 1325 in Palestine ( )
    For women to be able to play leading roles in peacebuilding in Palestine and around the world, some radical, comprehensive, and sustainable changes in the educational system are needed first.
    By Huda Abuarquob Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  22. 1325 and 2250: The Responsibility to Protect Both Women and Youth ( )
    The implementation of international human rights protections such as UNSCR 1325 and 2250 and the Responsibility to Protect doctrine is more than an obligation if we are to attain justice, peace, security, and democracy in the region; it is the future.
    By Srruthi Lekha Raaja Elango Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  23. Women Are the Solution for a Peaceful and Just Future ( )
    Since the adoption of Resolution 1325, women are no longer seen primarily as victims of war and conflict but rather as agents of change, yet are still not regarded as equal partners in decision-making processes.
    By Heidi Meinzolt Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  24. Feminine Leadership Comes from Within but Can Change the World ( )
    Whether in politics, economics, or the environment, it is obvious that coercive “hard power” is no longer working, whereas the principles of “soft power” — using empathy and understanding to encourage cooperation and peace — can create lasting change.
    By Sister Jayanti Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  25. Call to Action on Women’s Rights ( )
    Twenty years after Resolution 1325, there is insufficient political will to implement the provisions, so civil society must once again play an essential role in bringing this agenda to life.
    By Karin Nordmeyer Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  26. The Impact of Armed Conflict on Women Should be faced with courage and determination ( )
    There can be no peace without women and without respect for human rights; working toward gender equality is vital if we are to achieve a just peace between Palestinians and Israelis.
    By Izzeldin Abuelaish Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
    27. Culture, Literature and the Arts
  27. Palestinian Heritage … An Act of Resistance and a Battle for Existence ( )
    In the context of hegemony and occupation, the preservation of cultural heritage is at the heart of the national struggle due to its association with memory and its role as a tool of resistance against the obliteration and falsification of the history of the Palestinian people.
    By Salma Arraf-Baker Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  28. Art and Activism: Dilemma, Dialectic, Duet? ( )

    By Rita Mendes-Flohr Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  29. First Person, Identification, and Collective Guilt in Israeli Women's Poetry ( )

    By Tamar Hess Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  30. A Song ( )
    Palestinian Poetry
    By Mohammad al-As’ad Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  31. Elegy for Imm ‘Ali ( )
    Palestinian Poetry
    By Mai Sayigh Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
    32. Book Review
  32. Ian S. Lustick, Paradigm Lost: From Two-State Solution to One-State Reality. Reviewed by Naomi Chazan ( )

    Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  33. Companions in Conflict: Animals in Occupied Palestine, by Penny Johnson. Reviewed by Rosemary Sayigh ( )

    Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
    34. Grants and Donations
  34. Grants and Donations 2019 & 2020 ( )

    Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
    35. Documents
  35. UNSCR 1325 ( )

    Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
    36. Roundtable
  36. Women, Peace, and Security ( )
    Hind Khoury, Tahani Abu Daqqa, Randa Siniora, Dr. Khuloud Dajani, Etti Livni, Colette Avital, Prof. Daphna Hacker, Tal Schneider, Karin Nordmeyer, Ursula Mindermann, Ina Darmstaedter, Srruthi Lekha Raaja Elango. Moderated by Galia Golan and Lucy Nusseibeh.
    Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
    37. Viewpoint
  37. What the Biden Administration Can Do to Help Advance Israeli-Palestinian Peace ( )
    We should ask of the incoming U.S. Administration to declare clear support for the two-state solution, to rebuild its relationship with the Palestinians, and back multilateral peace initiatives
    By Hillel Schenker Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  38. Will Biden Recognize the Moral Imperative to End the Occupation? ( )
    Renewing aid, including funding for UNRWA and USAID operations in Palestine; reopening the PLO Mission in Washington; and reopening the U.S. Consulate in East Jerusalem as a direct channel to Ramallah would constitute important first steps, but the Biden administration must do more to get the two sides back to the negotiating table.
    By Susie Becher Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
  39. Sir Vincent Fean and the Question: Could a New U.S. President Mean a New Palestine- Israel? ( )
    In a talk he gave in November, Sir Vincent Fean, former British consul general in Jerusalem, highlighted the dangers and opportunities the new U.S. Administration will face in the region and called on the international community to more forcefully push for policy that is “action-oriented and … consequence-oriented on illegality.”
    By Abigail Rose McCall Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020
    40. Introduction
  40. Women, Peace and Security ( )

    By Galia Golan and Lucy Nusseibeh Vol. 25 No. 3&4 2020


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