In 1948 I was one of several representatives of LEHI (the Hebrew
initials of the Fighters for the Freedom of Israel - a.k.a. the
Stern Gang) in New York, trying to recruit young people and garner
financial ["recruit money" sounds odd] and political backing for
our organization, which was then fighting the British - and the
Arabs - in Palestine.
The British - and many others in the Yishuv - described us as
terrorists, just as the Germans in Russia had so recently used the
same term to describe the partisans rising against them. Already
then I realized that this is the usual pejorative that people
holding absolute, arbitrary power use to describe any civilian who
dares to challenge them with force.
We were following the momentous events at home with terrible
anxiety, pestering our superiors for permission to return home and
join the fight. In letters from home, I learned of many friends,
former classmates and acquaintances who had been killed or wounded
in battle, and despite our activity in helping the struggle, we
felt useless. Before joining LEHI I had been a member of the
Haganah (the Jewish community's semi-legal paramilitary
organization), and felt quite confident that we could face and
defeat the local Arab-Palestinian armed forces. But we feared the
imminent invasion by the regular Arab armies. All the weapons I had
learned to use in both organizations were small arms, and our field
training was rudimentary. But here we were about to face real
armies, with tanks, artillery and planes. How could we hope to
survive that? We were going to have to fight with our backs against
the wall, and we had few illusions as to what would happen to us if
we lost.
Discovering the True Nature of the Struggle
But we also had a vision as to what should happen if we won. I
revert here to my own case. I was born in Jerusalem in 1927 to a
family that had been living in Palestine since the early 19th
century. My father spoke fluent "baladi" Arabic and had many Arab
friends. The conflict with the Arabs lay like a heavy cloud over
all our lives. I still remember in 1936 my father coming home from
his law office quite early, all pale, telling us about a legal
acquaintance of his who was killed when visiting Jaffa at the
beginning of the Arab Revolt. The Haganah always trained to fight
the Arabs, and it seemed an endless, hopeless struggle. But a few
evenings which I spent as a 17-year-old Haganah night watchman on a
kibbutz in the company of an older kibbutz member, who was also a
Hashomer Hatzair ideologist, woke me up, to paraphrase Kant, from
my ideological slumber.
The real struggle in Palestine, he explained to me, was not between
Jew and Arab. We both, Jews and Arabs, were pawns in the hands of
the British playing the ancient imperialist game of "divide and
rule." The British wanted Palestine not for the purpose of helping
the Jews build a national home, but in order to defend the Suez
Canal, which leads to India and to the other British possessions in
Asia, and to protect the oil pipeline from Iraq. The true way to
fulfill Zionist aims was not to serve as an imperialist tool but to
collaborate with the Arabs and jointly push out the British and
build with the Arabs a common homeland - a bi-national state.
Of course, there were many other contributing causes to my
awakening, which lasted more than one conversation and more than
one night. In the course of time, I realized that the reality was
indeed much more complicated. But it was the beginning of a journey
which led me to Marxism on one hand and to Canaanism on the other,
and later beyond both to the discovery of myself, of my own views
of the world, and of serious politics, going beyond clichés
and advancing into political theory.
Becoming a Canaanite
A year or two later, my friend at the time, Amos Kenan, introduced
me to Canaanite thinking. When he described it to me, I suddenly
realized that I had already struggled with similar barely conscious
thoughts. I was just ripe for this new, clearly formulated
post-Zionist thinking, which envisaged the Yishuv as the nucleus of
a new nation, originating indeed in the Jewish Diaspora, but which
is now completely separated from it and pursuing its own national
aims. These aims call for the "Hebraization" of the whole Middle
East, which indeed was once a Hebrew-speaking region, separating
religion from state and ensuring full rights and equality to all
members of all the ethnic and religious segments inhabiting it. I
did not know it at the time, but the founder of Canaanism, the poet
Yonatan Ratosh, had been a close friend of the founder of LEHI,
Abraham Stern, and influenced his thinking.
A Time for New Alignments and Political Thinking
But a far more urgent decision faced me and many other young people
of my generation. Everybody recognized that the official Zionist
policy of collaborating with Great Britain was bankrupt. It was
also clear that Britain was no longer the empire on which "the sun
never sets." It was a time ripe for new alignments and new
political thinking.
It was also becoming clear that the traditional Zionist
institutions were already setting their sights on the United States
as a substitute for Britain, in the everlasting search for a great
power backing to counterbalance the hostility of the region. But
some became utterly disgusted with the unseemly wooing of new
masters. It was not only a matter of pride. It was a feeling of new
strength, a basic feeling that we no longer needed a protector, as
a result of the growing size, strength and wealth of the Yishuv. We
felt already a state within a state, and few were surprised when
the Yishuv easily assumed all the functions of a state immediately
upon the end of the Mandate, whereas the British apparently
expected chaos to ensue. Everything was already prepared. We had
our independent educational system, our own agricultural and
industrial systems, our own army and police, our own health care
system, all built for decades within the Mandatory cocoon.
Fighting for Liberation from the British
LEHI was the first political underground group to come out with the
declaration that our fight was not against the White Paper policy,
and it was not a fight aiming to make Britain hold to the
principles of the Balfour Declaration. As a matter of fact, LEHI
declared that that Declaration was itself illegal. Who gave Britain
the right to promise a land that it didn't own to anyone else in
the first place? We were the people of the land, and we were
fighting to free it from British rule. LEHI also declared in its
wall posters that this was a fight to liberate the Arabs as well
from British bondage.
For me and others, this came as a breath of fresh air, a hope to
liberate ourselves from the perpetual nightmare of internecine war
and the eternal burden of subservience. There was also the
knowledge of the Jewish catastrophe in Europe, which added to the
sense of urgency. But truth be told, it played a secondary role in
our minds. I remember a conversation in which a clear-minded
acquaintance explained that he was not bitter at the British at all
for their detached attitude. The Arabs were far more important for
the British than the Jews. Britain was fighting for its life, and
had no time for moral and humane considerations. We would have
acted the same way under similar circumstances. These were reasons
of state and, in my new-found enthusiasm for the unflinching
realism of Marx, I had to acknowledge their validity and understand
the necessity of maneuvering in the bleak landscape of power
politics - which is exactly where we had to move if we wished to
gain our independence and dignity.
This mindset propelled LEHI from the extreme right, where it
originated, towards the left and the support of the Soviet Union,
which was anathema to the right-wing IZL (the Irgun Zvai Leumi, or
simply the Irgun in English, as it was known abroad), which
remained largely a Zionist and anti-Arab movement. This was partly
also due to the admiration and gratitude we felt for the Soviet
Union for defeating the Nazis. LEHI began to describe its fight in
anti-imperialistic terms, and its aim the abolition of British
domination over the whole Middle East, for the benefit of both Jews
and Arabs. Our fight, it was reasoned, was the beginning of the
region's rebellion against foreign imperialism. This was also what
the two LEHI men sent to assassinate Lord Moyne in Cairo in 1944
proclaimed in their defense speeches at the Egyptian court which
tried them. These speeches won the enthusiastic support of many
young Egyptians, and some Palestinian Arabs also began to cooperate
with LEHI, notably some members of the Abu Ghosh clan in the
village by that name near Jerusalem.
"Foundations for a Hebrew Foreign Policy"
What made me finally decide to join LEHI in early 1947 was a flyer
entitled "Foundations for a Hebrew Foreign Policy," which envisaged
a federated Middle East, with the future Hebrew state (the name
"Israel" didn't yet exist) as a prominent member. This federation
would steer a neutral course between the two emerging post-war
power blocs.
This vision provided the answer to the dilemma: What would be the
end of the endless war with the Arabs? Anyone with any political
perspective had always been aware that we would eventually have to
find a modus vivendi with them.
Dreams and Reality
In this sense I am still a member of LEHI. I believe that our full
independence will only be gained with our full acceptance by the
peoples of the Middle East. That is why the 60th anniversary of
Israel is for me now the sad reminder of a broken dream, as well as
the memory of the Nakba. This country, a lackey of the worst
elements in the United States, worshipping military prowess,
corrupted by power and money, with billionaires on one side and the
mass of helpless poor on the other, perverted by a perverted
religious kleptocracy and messianic maniacs, is not what we hoped
for and what sustained us in those terrible months of 1948.
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