Since 1948, Palestinians have realized that the only reliable basis
for their economic survival is their knowledge. Sudden cataclysmic
demographic shifts, continuous political instability, and the
dearth of local natural resources have made human resources the
most important foundation for social progress, economic
development, and cultural identity among Palestinians. This
principle operates at the individual, group and national levels.
Although the emphasis on education is shared by Palestinians
throughout the world, the present discussion will focus on recent
developments in the Palestinian territories.
Some statistical data will help in giving an idea of the scope of
education and the levels of educational attainment in Palestine. At
the present time, the Palestinian population of the West Bank, Gaza
Strip and East Jerusalem is estimated to be around 3.15 million
inhabitants. Of these, around 900,000 are enrolled in schools and
around 80,000 in local higher education institutions. The last
figure does not include the large, but completely unknown, number
of Palestinians pursuing their higher education abroad. Thus, about
one-third of the Palestinians are studying at all levels from
kindergartens to post-graduate university programs. Current
projections indicate that this ratio will persist for the next ten
years, with school enrollment increasing by 50 percent during this
period and higher education enrollment doubling.1
There has been a tremendous increase in enrollment since the
establishment of the PNA, at all levels: primary, secondary, and
tertiary (higher education). Enrollment at the primary level is now
almost total and at the secondary level exceeds 50 percent.
Enrollment in local colleges and universities has doubled during
the past five years. A rough picture of the emerging educational
profile (presented with some trepidation) would be as follows:
one-quarter of the population would not have completed their
secondary education of twelve years (but many of them would have
had nine or ten years of schooling), one-half would have completed
their secondary education but would not have a tertiary
qualification (although some of them would have begun but not
completed their higher education), and one-quarter of the
population would have a higher education degree.
These achievements are impressive by world standards, and are
certainly outstanding in comparison to many Arab countries and most
of the Third World. However, serious reservations remain. The
availability of financial, human and material resources for the
continued development of Palestinian education is highly
questionable. The capital investment needed to build new schools to
reduce congestion in classrooms and eliminate double-shift schools
(the norm in the Gaza Strip) is certainly not available. The
quality of training and the level of professional commitment of
teachers are doubtful. The low salaries of teachers do not attract
the best candidates to teaching as a career. Rapid growth has
affected the quality of education adversely. The relevance of
Palestinian education at all levels is being questioned by many.
However, the issue of relevance does not depend entirely on the
educational system, but must also take into account the nature of
the future political and economic direction of Palestine.
Uncertainty about this direction makes it very difficult to answer
the question whether Palestinian education will be the driving
force behind future growth or will turn out to be a losing
investment: an albatross of a long-term mismatch between human
resources and human resource needs.
One bright spot in this murky prospect is that the gender gap in
the levels of educational attainment is diminishing rapidly. While
precise projections are difficult to make, it seems that
Palestinian education is moving towards gender equality an a
largely gender-independent educational profile, although some
male-preferred and some female-preferred fields of study and
careers are likely to remain.
Inheriting a School System in Stagnation
A significant endeavor toward educational reform at the school
level has been undertaken in the area of curriculum development,
together with the ancillary activity of textbook production. Before
describing these efforts, a description of the situation which had
prevailed since 1967 is necessary. At the time of the Israeli
occupation in 1967, schools in the West Bank, including East
Jerusalem, followed the Jordanian curriculum and used Jordanian
textbooks, while schools in the Gaza Strip followed Egyptian
curricula and used Egyptian textbooks. High-school examinations at
the end of the twelfth grade - the tawjihi exams - were conducted
by the ministries of education of the relevant country in each
region. As time went on, the situation became more and more
untenable. The Israeli administration frequently refused to permit
improvements in the Jordanian and Egyptian systems to be adopted by
Palestinian schools. This refusal sometimes went to ludicrous
extremes, such as insisting that history textbooks retain the
description of Libya as a kingdom long after it had become a
republic. Moreover, Israeli administrators deleted the word
"Palestine" from all textbooks and replaced it with "Israel" or
"Land of Israel," again resulting in absurdities in some
cases.
The difficulties were not confined to the political
hypersensitivity of the Israeli occupation authorities. Palestinian
educators and administrators were restricted to secondary roles and
were not allowed to participate at the policy-making level, which
was the exclusive domain of Israeli officers. They had inherited
educational philosophies that were rapidly becoming antiquated,
while other Arab countries - including Jordan and Egypt, the ones
bequeathing these philosophies - were moving ahead. The inherited
systems emphasized academic subjects and neglected vocational and
technical training; this was unsuitable for evolving labor market
needs. Furthermore, academic education was divided in high schools
into a "literary" and a "scientific" stream. This division was seen
by many Palestinian educators as being unsound, especially since
the system placed pupils in these two streams on the basis of
criteria that largely ignored their inclinations. Other than this
arbitrary streaming, the curricula did not include elective
subjects. The textbooks in both the Jordanian and Egyptian cases
were rooted in the decade of the fifties when rote learning was
still the norm, and they reflected and perpetuated this mode.
Finally, there is no doubt that the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
had re-emerged as a cultural and national entity (thanks to the
Israeli occupation that had reunited them) and the continuation of
separate educational systems in the two regions could not be
accepted.
By the mid-1980s, the accumulated effect of all these factors
reduced the Palestinian school system to a state of stagnation.
Demographic growth led to increases in enrollment, but there was no
sense of direction, a vision for the future, or an underlying
philosophy. A fresh start was clearly needed.
Progress in Reform and the Lack of Resources
Dissatisfaction with this state of affairs led to a first step in
the direction of reform. A workshop was held at UNESCO headquarters
in Paris and addressed Palestinian basic education (grades 1-10).
It was attended by educational experts from UNESCO and by
Palestinian educators. This was followed by a workshop on secondary
education held in Jerusalem in 1993, with the participation of
UNESCO and the Palestinian Council for Higher Education.
These workshops laid the groundwork for an Agreement of Cooperation
between UNESCO and the newly established Palestinian Ministry of
Education. The agreement was concluded in 1994 and led to the
establishment of the Palestinian Curriculum Development Center
(PCDC) in 1995. The PCDC, which was subsequently incorporated as an
organ of the ministry, published its first study in 1996 under the
title A Comprehensive Plan for the Development of the First
Palestinian Curriculum for General Education. It contained a
general report that surveyed the situation and proposed foundations
for a new curriculum, as well as a number of technical reports
dealing with the various subjects taught in the curriculum. In
1998, the ministry published a projection for the implementation of
the curriculum reform plan until 2004. It also prepared a broader
document covering all aspects of educational reform under the title
The Five-Year Education Development Plan 2000/2001-2004/2005. The
document was presented at the International Workshop on Education
in Palestine convened in Ramallah in October 1999 and was later
published. A second workshop, which was scheduled for October 2000,
was postponed because of the local situation.
These activities are simply landmarks indicating the serious
attempts by the Palestinian authorities to improve the educational
system. The local mass media - newspapers, magazines, and radio and
television stations - frequently discuss educational issues; the
degree of public participation in the ongoing debate is remarkable.
A large number of non-profit organizations has been established to
deal with various aspects of education, such as early childhood,
special education, teacher enrichment, etc.
However, one outstanding problem remains unresolved, namely that of
the resources needed for education. The 1999 document of the
Ministry of Education estimated the expenditures of the ministry
for the five school years 2000/2001-2004/2005 at around $2 billion.
To this must be added the expenditures of non-governmental schools,
which enroll around one-third of all pupils, as well as the
expenditures of colleges and universities. This raises the total
expenditure needed for education at all levels to about $4 billion.
While this sum is very modest by international standards, it is
doubtful whether the Palestinian economy can provide the needed
outlay, despite the aid it receives from international donors.
Education is an essential foundation for future economic growth,
promoting national and regional peace, stability and prosperity.
But the present level of available resources is probably
insufficient to start a self-sustaining upward push. This conundrum
is faced by many developing countries; however, the Palestinian
case is particularly sensitive.
Five-Year Plan
The Five-Year Education Development Plan 2000/2001-2004/2005
provides a clear presentation of the priorities of Palestinian
education. The plan set five general objectives:
• Provide access to education for all.
Since the enrollment rate at the basic education level (grades
1-10) is already over 95 percent, the emphasis is to raise the
enrollment rate at the secondary school level (grades 11 and 12)
from somewhat over 50 percent to 75 percent.
• Improve the quality of education.
This includes the gradual introduction of the new curriculum, the
reduction of class size and pupil/teacher ratios, the elimination
of double-shift schools, and the provision of library, laboratory
and other facilities in schools. Achieving these targets requires
building 2,000 new classrooms and hiring 3,000 new teachers
annually.
• Develop formal and non-formal education.
This includes extending pre-school education and kindergartens,
increasing the number of pupils in vocational training (from 3
percent to 15 percent of total) with the necessary workshops and
laboratories, and re-integrating dropouts into schools through
special programs.
• Develop management capacity for planning, administration
and finance.
The aim is to improve the organization of the educational system
and develop managerial capacity at all levels so that the present
centralized system can evolve into a school-based decentralized
management system.
• Develop human resources of the educational system.
This includes improving pre-service and in-service training of
teachers and development of staff administrative skills.
The 1999 document also presented a summary of the foundations of
the new curriculum. The 1998 document had gone into more detail
into this important subject. This document was discussed and
approved by the Education Subcommittee of the Palestinian
Legislative Council (PLC) and may be considered to be the official
statement of the foundations and aims of Palestinian education. It
deserves some detailed presentation.
The following aims are stated as justifying curriculum
reform:
• To realize national unity. In particular, this refers to
replacing the Jordanian and Egyptian curricula by a unified
Palestinian curriculum;
• To adapt the curriculum to present realities. This implies
updating and modernizing the old curriculum;
• To reinforce values in Palestinian society. This refers to
national, religious and human values as well as the acquisition of
skills and knowledge as a means of national development;
• To cope with demographic growth. This implies a
comprehensive curriculum with sufficient diversity to suit all
learners;
• To support economic development. The new curriculum aims at
preparing employable and productive human resources;
• To provide good education. This refers to improving the
school environment, teaching methods and teacher competencies, and
management of the educational system;
• To promote comprehensive development by giving due
attention to science and technology.
Four Foundations for the New Curriculum
It can be seen from this that the new curriculum is intended to be
a broad effort comprising goals, content, methods, human resources
and physical facilities. The document identifies four foundations
for the curriculum with a detailed itemization of each foundation.
The following is a summary:
Intellectual and national foundations: belief in God; loyalty to
Palestine, respect for humanity; promotion of Islamic culture and
respect for other cultures; Palestine is the homeland of
Palestinians who are an indivisible part of the Arab nation;
Palestine has its own cultural, religious and geographic
significance as the crucible of cultural interaction and as the
birthplace of the three revealed religions; Palestine is a
democratic peace-loving state; belief in human values and
principles; and active participation in the advancement of human
civilization.
Social foundations: adherence to social and religious values;
promotion of the rule of law; respect for individual and group
freedom; participation in social and political activities within
the legal framework; social justice and equality; directing
education towards the provision of needed human resources;
preserving the national cultural heritage; and fostering the
family.
Cognitive foundations: adoption of the essence of the Islamic
faith; promotion of the use of the Arabic language; openness to
world cultures and competence in at least one foreign language;
promotion and development of technology; conservation of
Palestinian environment and natural resources; interaction with the
social environment; adaptation to contemporary needs; aesthetic
appreciation; and use of critical thinking, the scientific method
and problem-solving.
Psychological foundations: pride in the national, Arab and Islamic
identity, in Palestine, and in the Arabic language; awareness of
the national heritage; encouragement of individual and group
initiatives; cooperation with all Palestinians to achieve a
democratic society which fosters positive competition, justice,
prosperity and scientific progress; promotion of peace with oneself
and among individuals, nationally and internationally; appreciation
of the humanity of mankind, with positive attitudes towards others;
and ability to adapt on the basis of the social and ethical
principles of behavior.
It would be difficult to disagree with these foundations. They
might be too ambitious, but they are comprehensive. Attention to
national and religious identity seems to be somewhat excessive.
This probably reflects the current concern among Palestinians that
their identity is seriously threatened and therefore requires
active affirmation. The word "Palestine" seems to be used sometimes
in a general geographic-historical sense and sometimes to refer to
the (emerging) state.2 However, it would be extremely far-fetched
to interpret these foundations as implying an irredentist hidden
agenda.
It may also be noted that Israel is not mentioned in these
foundations. This again has led some to claim that the curriculum
plan has a hidden agenda.3 However, it must be understood that
Palestinians are in the process of arriving at a self-definition of
identity to replace the "definition through others" that has been
imposed on them for many generations. The centrality of this
imperative for Palestinians at this stage in their history cannot
be overemphasized. National independence and state-building have to
be accompanied by psychological, social and cultural liberation
from external domination. This positive interpretation of the
spirit of the text is confirmed by numerous items in it
("peace-loving state," "openness to world cultures," "respect for
other cultures," "promotion of peace," "internationally").
Innovations and Improvements
The curriculum plan divides the twelve years of the school cycle
into three stages: the lower basic stage (grades 1-4), the upper
basic stage (grades 5-10) and the secondary stage (grades 11 and
12). Pupils would normally enroll in the first grade at six years
of age and graduate from the twelfth grade at eighteen. A number of
significant improvements have been introduced in the new
curriculum. English as a second language is to be taught from the
first grade rather than from the fifth grade as was the case in the
old curricula. Pupils will thus receive twelve years of English
instruction instead of eight. This emphasis is intended to provide
high-school graduates with a higher level of competence in English
so as to achieve two aims: greater openness to world culture in
which English occupies a pre-eminent position, and better
competitiveness on the labor market, which is driven by global
forces.
An important innovation is the introduction of civic education as a
new subject and the inclusion of national education in social
studies. These two subjects will be taught in grades 1-10. They
complement the already existing Islamic education (which is taught
throughout the twelve years) and provide a broader and more
balanced foundation for the formation of individual and group
identities.
Arts and crafts is a new subject added to the curriculum throughout
the twelve years of the school cycle. This aims at providing an
opportunity for pupils to pursue their interests and develop their
talents. It also introduces an aesthetic dimension that was totally
absent from the old curricula. Aesthetic appreciation is to be
enhanced in conjunction with individual practice that develops
manual skills. This is especially valuable for pupils who opt for
the vocational and technical stream in the secondary stage.
Another new subject is technology and applied sciences, which is to
be taught in grades 5-12. It emphasizes the development of an
understanding of computers and other scientific tools and
techniques, as well as the acquisition of individual skills in
using them. This subject is an extremely significant modernization
of an outdated curriculum and represents a major component for the
development of Palestinian human resources and hence the
sustainability of the Palestinian economy.
Other aspects of the curriculum include an elective subject in
grades 5-10. This could be a third language (French, German, or
Hebrew), environmental studies or home economics. Time is also
allocated for the class teacher to organize free activities in line
with the interests of the class. These changes represent a
departure from the old curricula, which were completely rigid and
did not allow for initiatives by pupils or teachers.
These changes in the curriculum are introduced alongside the main
subjects of the old curricula, namely, Arabic, mathematics, science
(a combined subject in the lower grades and then split into
biology, chemistry, and physics in the upper grades), and social
studies (a combined subject in the lower grades and then split into
economics and management, geography, and history in the upper
grades). While these subjects remain as in the old curricula,
several changes in content and methodology are contemplated.
The above-mentioned improvements and innovations in the curriculum
would seem to many to be commonplace. In fact, they merely bring
Palestinian education into line with modern worldwide trends in
education. It is only in comparison with the previous situation
that the magnitude of the proposed changes can be appreciated. The
curricula inherited by the Palestinians from the Jordanian and
Egyptian educational systems were already outmoded in 1967 and in
need of radical reform. The stagnation and regression of the
Palestinian educational system under a quarter of a century of
Israeli occupation compounded the problem and turned it into a
national catastrophe. During the last decades of the twentieth
century, education underwent significant transformations throughout
the world including (significantly for Palestinians) Israel, Jordan
and other Arab states, while Palestinian education was forced to
languish in a system rooted in the early decades of the twentieth
century.4
The curriculum plan is an important component in the attempt at
dealing with the situation. Seen in this light, it represents a
profound departure from the past. Paradoxically, the danger is that
it may be overly ambitious. The relatively huge financial
implications of the plan, the insufficiency of the human resources
available to implement it, and the continued political instability,
which diverts attention from long-term objectives, are factors that
impede the realization of the plan. To these factors must be added
the weight of tradition, which obstructs innovations everywhere.
The plan could end up being nothing more than a new packaging of
old wares. The confirmation of success requires more time than the
verification of failure; hence, judgment of the ultimate value of
the plan must be deferred.
Fostering Tolerance and Pluralism
The curriculum plan assumed concrete form during the 2000/2001
school year. At the beginning of that year, new textbooks were
introduced in grades one and six. The production of around thirty
textbooks (almost three million copies in total) involved hundreds
of authors, reviewers, supervisors, illustrators and other
technical experts. This was a large-scale enterprise and, as a
first-time operation, it can be judged as a success, despite some
unevenness among the various books.
A detailed technical analysis of these textbooks is beyond the
scope of this presentation. However, as the first fruit of an
extensive decade-long process, they deserve some general remarks.
The material features of the books are vastly superior to the
previous ones (sturdy covers, quality paper, clear text and
illustrations, and attractive layout). This improvement, trivial as
it may seem, inculcates respect for and attachment to the books by
the pupils using them, in addition to the obvious fact that the
books would last for the period of study (half-a-year or a year)
for which they are intended.
Other improvements are not apparent at first glance but are equally
important, if not more so. Illustrations - whether drawings or
photographs - have a lasting impact on young, impressionable
children; thus the illustrations in these textbooks deserve careful
scrutiny. The illustrations reveal a healthy diversity of local
scenes. Both urban and rural backgrounds are used, men are shown in
Western and in traditional dress, and women are shown in Western,
village or Islamic dress. Gender roles are not stereotyped: women
are shown as doctors and teachers as well as wives and mothers, and
men are shown in many different roles. A drawing in the first-grade
Islamic education textbook shows the mother washing the dishes,
while the son - significantly, not the daughter - is drying them.
Although Palestinians are overwhelmingly Muslim, churches are shown
as well as mosques.
These examples reveal a serious effort to develop attitudes of
tolerance towards diversity and acceptance of pluralism within
Palestinian society. The curriculum concentrates on Palestinian,
Arab and Islamic social studies in the lower grades. Whether a
healthy attitude of openness to other societies is maintained
cannot be determined until the textbooks for the higher grades with
their broader worldwide scope are published.
The content of each textbook is determined by a detailed curriculum
outline which was developed under the supervision of the Ministry
of Education for all subjects and all grades. This outline served
as a guide to the groups of authors who were selected to write the
various textbooks. A rigorous process of review and evaluation was
followed by the ministry before each textbook was approved. Hence
the textbooks embody a coherent and relatively comprehensive
curriculum.
A positive feature of the textbooks is the use of the integrated
learning approach by which the textbook of a given subject refers
and connects to other subjects. This promotes the development of an
integrated conceptual framework rather than the acquisition of
compartmentalized knowledge. Some of these cross-references consist
of Koranic verses that are cited in various textbooks where the
verses concern the topic being studied. This reflects the
traditional Islamic emphasis on the compatibility of science with
religion. Needless to say, the issue of the relationship between
empirical knowledge and revealed faith is not unique to Islam among
the religions of the world.
Science and mathematics textbooks encourage learning by observation
and discovery. Pupils are asked to perform simple experiments in
class. These assume the availability of rudimentary equipment and
the presence of appropriate attitudes among teachers; the first
requirement is generally absent, while the second is questionable.
Many textbooks - social studies, science, etc. - contain open-ended
questions that are intended to form the basis for a class
discussion, which elicits varying, even opposing, responses from
pupils. This again requires teacher attitudes that are different
from the prevailing ones. These aspects demonstrate the fact that,
while curriculum might be a cornerstone of any educational
development plan, it is not in itself sufficient; financial,
material and human resources determine the degree of success of the
reform process.
False Charges
The new Palestinian curriculum, and the past and ongoing
Palestinian efforts to develop their educational system, have
received scant attention except for one thing, namely, the charge
that the new curriculum does not "contribute to the peace between
Israel and the Palestinians," as both parties were committed to do
according to the Oslo agreement. Foremost among the organizations
that have been active in propagating this charge is the self-styled
Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace. Much of its effort is
directed against the old textbooks, which are being gradually
phased out. More importantly, its approach reveals a strong
pro-Israeli bias and a total neglect of professional pedagogic or
cultural foundations. Hence its work can be viewed only as
political propaganda - which is a legitimate activity as long as it
admits its nature and purpose - rather than as an informed and
balanced analysis.
The charges against the new Palestinian curriculum and textbooks
have been repeated so often and propagated so widely that many
assume them to be true, despite the extremely tenuous foundations
on which they rest. Correcting the imbalanced impression created by
these charges requires careful scrutiny of all the textbooks. This
scrutiny reveals several relevant facts that may be judged
differently from different points of view. However, they do not
bear out the charges.
It will be remembered that both Judaism and Christianity existed in
the Arabian Peninsula at the time of the Prophet Mohammad. This
fact is mentioned in the sixth-grade history book. Numerous verses
in the Koran refer to Jews, Judaism and Jewish prophets, as well as
to Christianity, Christ, Mary and Joseph; incidents from the
scriptures of both religions are recounted in the Koran. The
Islamic education textbooks revolve around the study of chapters
from the Koran, some of which mention the other two religions.
Christianity and Christian holy sites are mentioned in other
textbooks as part of the Palestinian social fabric and heritage.
There is no other mention of Judaism or, for that matter, other
world religions in these other textbooks. However, respect for all
religions is mentioned several times.
Israel is not mentioned in any textbook. However, this does not
support some fanciful claims that have been made in this regard. An
example of such claims is the following:
Israel is defined as foreign to the Middle East and is categorized
as a colonialist conqueror. Israel's name does not appear on any
regional map and its land is included in the "State of Palestine."
Every reference to Israeli cities, regions and geographic areas
identifies them as "Palestine."5
Since Israel is not mentioned at all, it obviously is not defined
in any manner. The issue of maps is more involved. The textbooks
include maps of Mandate Palestine. Some of them are schematic with
dotted lines clearly delineating the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.
Others are of a geographic nature only. Maps with a political
connotation detail the Gaza Strip and the West Bank only. No map
bears the legend "State of Palestine." It is clear that what is the
"Land of Israel" to some is the "Land of Palestine" to others.
However, none of the maps or texts in any way identify the area of
the "State of Israel" as the area of the "State of Palestine." It
must be mentioned that official Israeli maps still present an
ambiguity that carries dangerous implications. An example is the
annual Statistical Abstract of Israel, which is published by the
Central Bureau of Statistics. Successive volumes of the Abstract,
including the latest volume 51 covering the year 2000, have maps
titled "State of Israel," which color the West Bank (under the name
Judea and Samaria) and the Gaza Strip (under the name Gaza Area)
differently from the neighboring Arab countries, portions of which
appear on the maps. The coloring scheme creates the strong
impression that the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are parts of the
State of Israel rather than adjoining it.
Ms. Livnat proceeds to claim the following:
The new textbook Our Beautiful Language devotes three pages to
Mustafa al-Deba'a's Our Country Palestine, including the following
quotes: "There is no alternative to destroying Israel" (banner on
the title of Volume I) and "The Jewish claim to historical rights
in Palestine has no justification" (Introduction).
The reference is to the sixth-grade Arabic textbook which consists
of two volumes. The banners on the covers of the two volumes do not
include the claimed statement. The introduction - which is the same
in both volumes - concentrates on educational issues. It states the
aims of the authors including "… that the Palestinian
curriculum confirms the pride of our youth in their Arab and Muslim
identity, their adherence to a tolerant humanistic attitude which
does not discriminate among people on the basis of race or creed,
and urge them towards virtue and noble values…."
The essay about Mustafa Murad al-Dabbagh (the correct spelling) is
one of more than 40 prose and verse pieces that are included in the
two volumes of the textbook. The topics cover a wide and balanced
range: the importance of science, the olive tree, water as the
basis of life, the telephone, the airplane, a (highly condensed)
summary of Hemingway's The Old Man and the Sea, Jerusalem,
etiquette and manners, environmental pollution, Ghandi. Of this
diverse content, the following have a nationalist bearing:
• "The Olive Tree," a poem by Mahmoud Darwish, which begins
"If the olive tree were to remember the one who planted it, its oil
would turn to tears."
• The essay in which al-Dabbagh describes how the first
volume of his history Our Country Palestine was published in 1947
and how, many years after his exodus from Jaffa in 1948, he had to
revise it.
• A narration by Izzat Ghazzawi of his meeting a 14-year-old
boy in prison during the first Intifada.
• "The Intifada," a poem by Abdul-Latif Aqel about the first
Intifada.
• "Acca and the Sea," a poem about Acre by Rashed
Hussein.
• "Identity Card," a poem by Mahmoud Darwish about the
difficult life of Arabs in Israel.
This list would not have been necessary were it not for the
distorted perception of the Palestinian curriculum. Ms. Livnat
states towards the end of her article: "Learning about the past is
the only way to ensure our future." This is as true of Palestinians
as it is of Israelis. In a speech to the Washington Institute for
Near East Policy,6 Ms. Livnat said: "Israeli post-Zionism
denigrates Jewish rights to the Land of Israel, disparages Jewish
values, and trivializes the historic justice inherent in Israel's
rebirth." Does Israel have the right to demand that Palestinians
adopt a "post-Palestinianism" which "denigrates Arab rights to the
Land of Palestine, disparages Arab values and trivializes the
historic justice inherent in Palestine's rebirth"?
The contradiction between what Israel emphasizes in its education
and what it is trying to force on Palestinian education is still
growing. The Israeli Ministry of Education has recently adopted a
new program due to be implemented in September 2001. The program
will "enrich school curricula with more lessons about Jewish
heritage and Zionist history."7
An Authentic Palestinian Narrative
In this dawning century of pluralism and individual and collective
rights, alternative narratives of history have to be accepted and
respected. Native Americans are no longer expected to celebrate
Columbus Day with relish, and the indigenous peoples of Central and
South America are no longer expected to admire the exploits of the
conquistadores. Israelis have their heroes whom they glorify and
Palestinians have their heroes whom they glorify; neither side has
much love for the heroes of the other side. The establishment of
Israel in 1948 is celebrated by Israelis as their Independence Day.
That same day was in fact a disaster for the Palestinians, who
commemorate it as al-Nakba (Catastrophe) Day. Peace cannot be
established on the basis of one party asserting its identity, while
forcing a denial of identity on the other party. The past
half-century should have convinced Israel and its supporters that
this approach is self-defeating and can lead only to further
alienation, divergence and conflict.
The Palestinian narrative of the history of Palestine/Israel is as
authentic, valid, factual, and deeply felt as the Israeli
narrative. The Palestinian sense of identity is as real as the
Israeli sense of identity. For more than half a century, the
Israeli educational system has perpetuated a narrow and one-sided
version of these facts; a small experiment at presenting a broader
view seems to be on its way out, while a narrow-minded approach is
again gaining ascendancy. This article has attempted to show that
the Palestinians have been engaged in a serious and dedicated
effort to resurrect their educational system, notwithstanding the
huge problems they inherited and the tremendous challenges they
face. This effort should be encouraged and assisted, rather than
obstructed.
1.The Palestinian National Authority (PNA) has developed
during the past few years an excellent system of national
statistics supervised by the Palestinian Central Bureau of
Statistics (PCBS). Figures cited in this article are based on data
and projections of the PCBS, the Palestinian Ministry of Education
and the Palestinian Ministry of Higher Education. All statistical
projections are subject to varying margins of uncertainty, but
Palestinian projections in particular are subject to the
possibility of unforeseen demographic and economic shifts. The
projections cited there are based on the assumption that the future
will be a "reasonable" continuation of the present. Unpredictable
dramatic changes are not - and cannot be - taken into
account.
2. It should be mentioned that Israel, after more than half a
century of existence, still blurs the distinction between the Land
of Israel (Eretz Yisrael) as a geographic-historical term and the
State of Israel (Medinat Yisrael) as a political entity. The
initiative for clarifying this ambiguity should come from the
Israelis who have their state rather than from the Palestinians who
are still aspiring to theirs.
3. Again, the Israeli curriculum either ignores the existence of
Palestinians and Arabs or portrays them negatively. An attempt at a
more balanced presentation - the textbook A World of Changes - was
short-lived.
4. Despite some changes in emphasis, the Jordanian and Egyptian
education systems and curricula of the post-Second World War era
were based on the model adopted during the years of British
domination in the 1920s, although some French influence can also be
detected in the Egyptian system. Not only has this model become
outmoded; it was intended for an elitist, relatively small system.
Demographic growth and increased enrollment rates have made this
model totally inappropriate and dysfunctional.
5. Quoted from "A World of Falsehood," an article by Limor Livnat,
the Israeli minister of education, in The Jerusalem Post, March 19,
2001. It is to be noted that Ms. Livnat devotes only one-third of
her article to a (misinformed) presentation of the Palestinian
curriculum. The remainder of the article consists of an attack on
the ninth-grade history textbook introduced in Israeli schools in
1999 and which she intends to abandon. See footnote 3.
6. See "Livnat: No Chance of a Palestinian State on '67 Lands," The
Jerusalem Post, April 29, 2001.
7. The Jerusalem Post, June 25, 2001
