There were clearly violations of the Oslo Accords on both sides,
but looking at the expansion of the settlements and the deepening
of an Israeli presence since the signing of Oslo, it is not
difficult to understand the present crisis. Many Palestinians came
to doubt Israel's intention of ever leaving the territories or
making genuine peace.
The only contact most Palestinians have with Israel is with the
settlements or with the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) guarding them.
Palestinians perceive construction in the settlements as a
unilateral action, perpetrated by force. The following data
demonstrates that since the Oslo agreements were signed, the daily
message the average Palestinian receives is one of force, not
peace. This helps explain the grass-roots frustration that is
fueling the current crisis. It also explains the wide gap between
how Israelis and Palestinians perceive today's situation. Most
Israelis were and are fundamentally unaware of the situation on the
ground in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. For them, 1993-2000
were years of peace and the current violence strengthens the
right-wing claim that the Palestinians do not really want
peace.
It is time for our government to demonstrate concretely that it
seeks peace, by freezing the expansion of settlements and declaring
a readiness to negotiate a return to the 1967 borders with minor
territorial exchanges.
Summary Data
I. Settlements
Housing: 52.49% growth since 1993. In September 1993 there were
32,750 family housing units in Israeli settlements on the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip. Between September 1993 and July 2000,
construction was begun on 17,190 housing units; 2,830 of these were
begun during the Barak administration (Central Bureau of
Statistics). Population: 52.96% rise December 1993-June 1999; c. 72%
projected rise December 1993-December 2000. At the end of 1993,
there were 115,700 Israeli settlers in the West Bank and the Gaza
Strip; in mid-1999, there were 176,973, a rise of 61,273 (Central
Bureau of Statistics). Based on an average annual growth rate of
7.92% between 1992-1998, Peace Now projects that the number of
settlers will reach c. 199,000 at the end of 2000, a rise of c.
84,000 compared to numbers at the end of 1993. New Settlements: Since Oslo, three new settlements were
officially established by Israel: Lapid, Kiryat Sefer and Menora;
at the end of 1998, these had a combined population of 12,212. In
addition, between 1996 and 1999, the settlers established over 42
unofficial settlements, fewer than ten of these were subsequently
dismantled (Central Bureau of Statistics and Peace Now Settlement
Watch reports). There are 145 official settlements on the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip, but about 200 independent localities.
New Roads: Between 1994 and 1997, paving was begun on 139.6 km of
Israeli bypass roads in the West Bank and Gaza. During the same
period, road paving was completed on 159.2 km (Central Bureau of
Statistics).
II. Human-Rights Violations
House Demolitions: Between the end of 1994 and November
2000, 740 Palestinian houses were demolished by the IDF in the West
Bank and the Gaza Strip (not including those demolished in East
Jerusalem) (B'Tselem). Days of Closure: Between December 1993 and November 2000,
there were 326 days of full closure in the West Bank and 311 days
in the Gaza Strip (official Israeli sources through
B'Tselem).
Towns and Settlements
in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
There are approximately 700 Palestinian towns in the West Bank and
the Gaza Strip, and approximately 145 settlements. The total
population numbers approximately 3 million Palestinians and 195,000
settlers.
In the Gaza Strip, approximately 6,500 settlers live in 16
settlements. Approximately one million Palestinians live in some 40
Palestinian towns.
In the West Bank, there are approximately 130 settlements with a
population of approximately 190,000 settlers. The Palestinian
population is approximately 2 million, in some 650 towns.
Approximately half the settlers in the West Bank live in 9 urban
settlements (from north to south): Karnei Shomron, Immanuel, Ariel,
Kiryat Sefer, Givat Ze'ev, Ma'aleh Adumim, Betar Elite, Efrat and
Kiryat Arba. Three of these settlements are ultra-Orthodox - Kiryat
Sefer, Betar Elite and Immanuel, with a total population of
approximately 30,000; three are secular - Ariel, Givat Ze'ev and
Ma'aleh Adumim, with a population of approximately 52,000; and two
are religious - Efrat and Kiryat Arba (the latter settlement is
approximately 75% religious), with a population of approximately
14,000. One of the nine settlements (Karnei Shomron, approximately
6,000) has a mixed character. In addition, approximately 90
settlements exist, each of which has a population of fewer than
500.
Removal of the Settlements
The removal of most of the settlements is essential; otherwise, the
areas of Palestinian sovereignty will not be contiguous. This will,
of course, prevent any Palestinian agreement. Since most of the
Israeli public accepts the establishment of a Palestinian state
alongside Israel, the public can be persuaded to support the
removal of most of the settlements as a consequence.
The criteria for the removal of settlements include: proximity to
the main Palestinian population centers; distance from the Green
Line; size of the settlement; the possibility of creating a safe
route for passage to the settlement; the possibility of reaching an
arrangement by consent to provide for the settlement to remain in
Israeli hands.
The Settlements May Be Divided into Eight
Categories:
1. Settlements in the Gaza Strip, which are situated in the heart
of a densely populated Palestinian area, or very close to such an
area. These settlements are Netzarim, Kfar Darom, Morag, Netzer
Hazani, Gannei Tal, Katif, Neve Dekalim, Gadid, Gan Or, Pe'at
Sadeh, Bedolah, Atzmona, Rafiah Yam, Kfar Yam, Nissanit, Elei
Sinai, and Dugit (total population: approximately 6,500).
2. Settlements in the West Bank that are situated in the heart of
densely populated Palestinian areas, or very close to such areas:
Hebron, Ganim, Kadim, Sa Nur, Homesh, Kfar Tapuach, Ateret, Neve
Zuf (Halamish), Nachliel, Telmon, Dolev, Ofra, Beit El, Psagot, Har
Gilo, Karmei Zur, Kiryat Arba, Beit Haggai, Otniel (approximately
18,500).
3. Settlements surrounded by Palestinian towns: Mevo Dotan,
Hermesh, Einav, Shavei Shomron, Avnei Hefetz, Elon Moreh, Kedumim,
Bracha, Itamar, Yitzhar, Migdalim, Rachelim, Eli, Ma'aleh Levona,
Shilo, Shvut Rachel, Alei Zahav, Paduel, Na'aleh, Nili, Kfar Eldad,
Nokdim, Tekoa, Meitzad, Ma'aleh Amos, Telem, Adura, Pnei Khever
(approximately 16,000).
4. Settlements deep within the West Bank: Immanuel, Karnei Shomron,
Ma'aleh Shomron, Nofim, Yakir, Revava, Kiryat Netafim, Barkan,
Ariel, Kokhav Hashachar, Rimonim, Ma'aleh Mikhmash, Beit Horon,
Kokhav Ya'akov, Adam, Anatot, Elon, Kfar Adumim, Kadar, Mitzpe
Yericho, Karmel, Maon, Susia (45,000).
5. Jordan Valley settlements: Mechola, Shdemot Mechola, Ro'i,
Beka'ot, Hamra, Argaman, Mechora, Mesu'a, Gitit, Ma'aleh Ephraim,
Yafit, Petzael, Tomer, Gilpal, Netiv Hagdud, Na'aran, Yeitav,
Na'ama, Vered Yericho, Beit Ha'arava, Almog, Kalya, Mitzpe Shalem
(5,000).
6. Settlements that break the contiguity of Palestinian areas:
Alfei Menashe, Beit Aryeh, Givat Ze'ev, Givon, Givon Hahadasha,
Eshkolot (20,000).
7. Gush Etzion: Neve Daniel, Rosh Zurim, Elazar, Efrat, Alon Shvut,
Kfar Etzion, Beit Ayin, Migdal Oz (12,000).
8. Settlements adjacent to the Green Line: Hinanit, Shaked, Reihan,
Sla'it, Zufim, Oranit, Sha'arei Tikva, Etz Ephraim, Elkana, Kiryat
Sefer, Hashmonaim, Matityahu, Lapid, Mevo Horon, Har Adar, Ma'aleh
Adumim, Betar Elite, Tenne, Shima, Shani, Metzudat Yehuda
(approximately 72,000).
In addition to the above-mentioned settlements, the following
neighborhoods of Jerusalem lie beyond the Green Line: Gilo, Ramot,
Pisgat Ze'ev, East Talpiyot, French Hill, Ramat Eshkol, Reches
Shu'fat and others, with a total population of approximately
180,000.
The new map suggested by Peace Now clarifies and emphasizes several
points relating to issues that have been the subject of public
debate in recent years:
* The "settlements blocs" option: The plan to establish "blocs" of
settlements is impractical, and discussion of this idea ignores the
realities on the ground. The "blocs" of settlements in the
northwestern part of the West Bank actually include more
Palestinians than settlers; annexing these blocs is contrary to the
interests of the State of Israel. The proposal to draw a tortuous
line avoiding the annexation of Palestinians is unrealistic, since
it would be difficult to defend such a line. The same situation
exists along the road from Modi'in to Jerusalem: annexing the
settlements along this road means annexing more Palestinians than
Israelis.
* The claim that it is possible to annex 80% of the settlers has no
foundation in reality, and reflects the wishes of certain
politicians rather than demographic facts. If the intention is to
annex areas 7 and 8 in the above list, it should be pointed out
that these areas actually include some 42% of the settlers who live
in approximately 5.5% of the territory of the West Bank
(approximately 300 sq. km.). Such annexation would require
Palestinian consent.
* Barak has promised to leave Ofra and Beit El within the borders
of Israel. These are two of the settlements that constitute a
security burden and will have to be dismantled.
* The government's unilateral separation plan, which has so far
been presented to the public only in part, is unacceptable. The
plan cannot be implemented; moreover, it would leave settlements in
dangerous areas, and thus perpetuate the status quo.
Peace Now Plan
Peace Now has always believed that the settlements are the main
obstacle to peace between Israelis and Palestinians, pointing out
that they constitute an ongoing provocation. At the present stage
of the struggle in the occupied territories, the Israeli public is
increasingly willing to remove settlements and to accept a solution
based upon the establishment of a Palestinian state in the occupied
territories. Most of the Israeli public views an ongoing Israeli
presence in the territories as a source of danger that has created
difficulties for the IDF. The public is increasingly unwilling to
tolerate a battle for the settlements, as distinct from a battle
for the future of the State of Israel. For most Israelis, the Green
Line is more tangible than ever - very few cross this line, except
for army duty.
As we feared for many years, the price of continuing to maintain
settlements in the heart of Palestinian territory is unbearable.
For the settlers - although still not for most Israelis - the
reality is one of armed conflict and an atmosphere of war. Although
we all understand the difficulties facing both the settlers and the
Palestinians in the occupied territories, we believe it is vital to
distinguish between daily hardship and the urgent need to find a
resolution to the long conflict. Only termination of the occupation
will bring to an end the tragic suffering and loss of life.
1. Israel's overriding interest is to secure an agreement ending
the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and ending our
control over a large and hostile population. In order to reduce
friction, conflict and bloodshed, we call for the removal of
settlements in the Gaza Strip to begin immediately. Most Israelis
have long favored the evacuation of this area - indeed, many
Israelis have been surprised to discover that Israel is still
embroiled in the Gaza Strip and still controls some 20% of this
area.
2. We urge the government to reach an agreement providing for the
gradual removal of the other settlements, over a reasonably short
time frame. Settlers will be offered alternative housing within the
State of Israel, in locations to be defined in advance together
with the settlers. The government must offer housing solutions for
settlers required to relocate, and must take into account the
special communal character of some of the settlements. We urge the
government to immediately establish an official body to assist
those settlers who already wish to leave the West Bank and the Gaza
Strip, and to alleviate this process.
3. The Israeli government must cease all building beyond the Green
Line - construction that is superfluous, dangerous and provocative:
superfluous, because it is clear that any agreement will
necessitate the evacuation of most of the settlements; dangerous,
because construction symbolizes for the Palestinians the
continuation of the occupation. Settlement construction is a
unilateral act carried out by force and represents a major element
in the present violence.
4. The bypass roads built in the occupied territories, supposedly
for security reasons, have actually become key targets for attacks
on Israelis, since it is they who mainly use these roads. We urge
the government to abandon the ridiculous policy of building such
roads.
5. We urge the Israeli government to engage in negotiations with
the Palestinians on the basis of the Green Line of 1967, including
in Jerusalem. If Israel wishes to annex areas 7 and 8 from the
above list, it must offer the Palestinians equivalent territory in
a region to be agreed upon by both sides. In this case, such
territory might amount to as much as 5.5% of the area of the West
Bank.
