The relationship between Palestinian and Israeli journalists is a
thorny subject with a long history, going as far back as three
decades. In essence, this relationship does not differ much from
the overall relationship between Israelis and Palestinians. A deep
ravine separates the two sides. Along the edge stands one party,
bewildered and wide-eyed, a country bumpkin on his first visit to
the city, with the difference that this bewilderment is coupled
with fear, suspicion and wariness. The second party occupies the
first militarily and uses all its advanced capabilities to
successfully demolish the capacities of the first. The latter has
no recourse but to moral considerations, based on the justice of
its cause and its resolve to keep on fighting the occupation, or at
least, to push it back.
This introduction is meant to show that the relationship between
Palestinian and Israeli journalists is just a reflection of the
reality that exists everywhere between the two sides. Israeli
journalism is highly developed, relying on modern technology. It is
also diversified: audio-visual and print media, as well as dailies,
weeklies and monthlies. Without any doubt, it is democratic and
free. But, as a result of the existing conflict with the
Palestinians, on the one hand, and between its own right and left
parties and between religious and secular in Israel, it is subject
to certain pressures. Additionally, in some instances, it is
subjected to military or security censorship. This is especially
true of events pertaining to security or state secrets. The censor,
usually a security officer, comes and prohibits the diffusion of
certain scenes. This happened in the case of the abduction of the
Israeli soldier Nahshon Wachsman, and the hijacking of Bus 300 and
several similar instances. The punishment went as far as to prevent
certain papers from appearing because they did not abide by the
rules of the censor, as was the case with Hadashot. Israel also
restricts the promulgation of a piece of news, even by foreign news
agencies operating in the country. Israeli journalists have often
resorted to foreign papers to publish what they have been barred
from publishing in their local papers. An example is the
publication of the photos of the hijackers of Bus 300 who came off
the bus alive and it was later declared they were killed during the
fight with the Israeli soldiers.
The Israeli media then, whether print or audio-visual, is subject
to censorship for so-called security reasons. It is also manifestly
subject to controlled orientation. This is seen clearly in media
that appears in Arabic. A case in point is the last government
newspaper printed in Arabic that was closed down more than 15 years
ago. Al-Anba', as it was called, failed to be circulated among the
Arabic public in the occupied territories as an "Arabic" paper when
it was discovered that it was Arabic in language only, while its
content and orientation were purely Israeli.
The Palestinian Press
When Israel occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 1967,
there were no Palestinian newspapers in the area. Three years
elapsed before any serious effort was made on the part of the
Palestinians to put out a newspaper. The resistance was such that
any interaction with the occupation was discouraged: schools were
closed for a while and lawyers refused to go to court. What applied
to schools and lawyers also applied to the press. However,
encouragement for a Palestinian press in the territories came from
Israeli quarters. The Israeli concept was that if Palestinians had
their own press, they would have an opportunity to vent their anger
and rebellion: instead of expressing themselves through acts of
violence, let them erupt in the columns of the papers. Soon papers
started to appear on the Palestinian side, encouraged by the
facilities provided by the occupying authorities, and within the
period of a decade and a half, ten of papers and magazines made
their appearance on the scene: Al-Fajr, A-Sha'ab, Al-Quds,
An-Nahar, Al-Bayader Al-Adabi, Al-Bayader Al-Siyassi, Al-Awdah,
A-Shira', Al-Mithaq, A-Tali'a, Al-'Ahd, Al-Hurriyyah, 'Abir,
A-Siyassah, Al-Jiser, Al-Fajr Al-Adabi, the English Fajr, Al-Mir'a,
Al-Usbu' Al-Jadeed, and Al-Bashir. All this output was in addition
to the Arabic publications that came from within the Green Line,
such as Al-Ittihad, Al-Jamaheer, A-Rassed, A-Rayah, Al-Jarmaq,
A-Sinnarah, Kul Al-Arab.
There was no comparison between the censorship the Israeli press
was subjected to and the stringent one controlling the Palestinian
press. It should be noted that the Palestinian press was restricted
to print media, where Israeli censorship spread even to commercial
advertisements and obituaries for fear they might contain a verse
from the Koran that called for jihad or a reference to someone who
fell in a battle or operation as shaheed. The only good article, as
far the censor was concerned, was the one he alone got to read but
that never saw the light of day. From here came the idea of
cooperation between Palestinian and Israeli journalists. The
Palestinian, because of his proximity to events that took place on
Palestinian territory, had easier access to information. However,
it wasn't possible for the Palestinian to publish the piece of news
in the local newspaper, so the information was "leaked" to an
Israeli journalist working with liberal press agencies, like Davar,
Al-Hamishmar, Koteret Rashit, and Hadashot. All these newspapers
subsequently closed down.
While these papers closed down of their own accord, Palestinian
papers were closed following an order by the Israeli Ministry of
the Interior. Such was the fate of around ten newspapers that
appeared in East Jerusalem. These were fully licensed by the
Ministry and had permission to distribute in the West Bank.
New Leanings
A significant number of Israeli journalists working in the occupied
territories changed direction and opposed their government, after
they had a close-up look at the extent of injustice to which the
Palestinian people were subjected. In particular, they witnessed
collective punishment and its manifestations with the daily
violations practiced by the Israeli army against the Palestinian
civilians, regardless of whether they were active in resistance
movements or not. Among the instances that stand out in one's
memory is the time when an Israeli soldier asked a Palestinian
youth in Hebron to kiss the rear end of a donkey. In fact, there is
no dearth of similar examples.
Many Israeli journalists came to the territories for purely
journalistic reasons. Others had held high posts in the army before
joining reserve units, but then were swayed by the justice of the
Palestinian cause. I have personal ties with journalists like
Yehudah Litani, Uri Avnery, Yoram Bin-Nur, Uri Nir, Amnon Kapeliuk,
Danny Rubinstein, Pinhas Inbari, Sami Sockol.
Very few Israeli journalists have worked in the occupied
territories without developing leanings towards the Palestinian
side and without supporting Palestinian rights to
self-determination and the establishment of their own state. On the
other hand, I know those who have not been won over to the
Palestinian side, and I do not like to have any contact with them.
Among them are reporters with The Jerusalem Post, Yediot Aharonot,
the Israeli TV and Itim. I tried, but failed to convince these
people, while I was able to persuade others to adopt neutral
positions, and these people, in general, are careful in reporting
what they hear. Once we find examples of inaccurate reporting, we
discontinue our cooperation with those responsible and we spread
the word among Palestinian journalists throughout the territories
not to supply them with information, which damages their
work.
Israeli Friends
In 1985, I was arrested for a period of 10 months without trial,
although I appeared nine times before a military court in Ramallah.
On one of these occasions, while I was waiting, an Israeli
journalist entered, accompanied by his photographer who started
taking pictures of me. I asked the journalist: "Hadn't you better
introduce yourself and tell me what's going on?" He said: "I am a
reporter with Kol Ha'ir. I was in your house and your mother
informed me that the army had arrested all her children. So I
decided to learn more about the subject in order to write an
article about you and your brothers." I had no objection and
answered all his questions.
Later on, I met him once or twice and a close friendship developed
between us. He wrote a book entitled I Am My Own Enemy, that was
translated into several languages. It included a chapter about me
and my wedding and the administrative detention to which I was
subjected after that. When he returned from the United States,
having finished writing the book, he left his job at Kol Ha'ir and
went to work for Hadashot. In his book, he revealed the practices
employed by the Israeli occupation army that he discovered when he
impersonated Palestinian laborers, and how he was pursued by
Israeli soldiers. After Hadashot closed down, I encouraged Yoram to
take up the job of correspondent with Channel 2 of the Israeli
TV.
The friendship I have with Yoram Bin-Nur does not differ from any
friendship I have with Palestinians, in spite of what the small of
mind have said about this relationship, and their efforts to
distort it. In fact, I found that several copies of the part of
Yoram's book that mention the fact that he attended my wedding, had
been distributed with the aim of inciting the Palestinians against
me. I did not care and neither did the people of my camp [the
Dehaishe refugee camp]. Later on, one collaborator confessed that
he was the one who distributed the leaflets upon the instruction of
a certain Gad, an officer with the Israeli intelligence. To this
day, my friend Yoram does not know about this story.
When the local television station I direct in Bethlehem was closed
down in the wake of US military threats to Iraq, the last TV show
was a roundtable discussion with four Israeli journalists: from the
Israeli TV Channel 2, from Ha'aretz and from the Itim news
agency.
In the meeting protesting the closure of my TV station, among those
who attended as a show of solidarity was Michael Warshawski
(Mikado), director of the Alternative Information Center.
I came to know Mikado through his wife, Leah Tsemel, who defended
me not less than ten times in front of Israeli military courts. She
was not only my lawyer, but a friend who came several times to my
home with her husband and I, too, visited them in their house.
However, a great source of worry and sadness for me was her young
son's reservation at my being in their house. He was being
subjected, at the time, to a vilification campaign on the part of
his schoolmates because his mother was defending "terrorists."
Mikado was arrested for two years and his center was closed down on
charges that it published inciteful material commissioned by
Palestinians. With him and Gideon Spiro, we formed a solidarity
committee with Dehaishe camp when it was sealed off by the Israeli
authorities and the settler leader, Rabbi Moshe Levinger, set up
his sit-in tent in front of the camp. My Israeli friends would come
to hold sit-ins in front of Levinger's tent. On the day my
television station was closed down, Mikado gave a moving speech in
which he said: "When my government closed down my center, Hamdi
came to show solidarity with me; today, Hamdi's government has
closed down his TV station, and I come to show solidarity with him.
We exchange roles."