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Vol. 24 No. 1 , 2019
Palestinians and Israelis at a Dangerous Crossroads
Editorial

Ever since November 1947, when the United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 181, known as “the Partition Plan” — calling for the establishment of “Independent Arab and Jewish states” along with a special international status (corpus separatum) for Jerusalem and an economic union in what had been Palestine under the British Mandate — the two-state paradigm has been the accepted international formula for resolving the conflict between Palestinian Arabs and Jews in Palestine.

Although there had been a minority among the Jews — the associates of Prof. Martin Buber in the Ichud and Brith Shalom movements and the Hashomer Hatzair movement — which had advocated a bi-national state, that version of a one-state solution was rejected by a clear majority of the Jews, who preferred an independent Jewish state in part of Palestine.

At the time, the Zionists who represented the Jewish nationa
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This issue was sponsored by
Fridrich Ebert Stiftung
Table of Contents
    Editorial
  1. The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict at a Crossroads ( )
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    By Hillel Schenker and Ziad AbuZayyad Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  2. Focus
  3. The Two-State Solution Remains the Only Pathway to a Mutually Agreed Resolution ofthe Conflict ( )
    Two states for two peoples is the only way to reconcile the national aspirations of both sides, a clear, shared objective to be agreed at the outset and achieved through a step-by-step process.
    By Jake Walles Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  4. The Future of the Two-State Solution and the Alternatives — A View from Gaza ( )
    Given the failure of the two-state solution, the Palestinian leadership ought to start planning a new phase of national struggle by adopting the alternative of one secular democratic state.
    By Husam Dajni Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  5. There Is No Other Solution ( )
    A leadership that lacks the national responsibility necessary to resettle less than 1.5% of the Jewish population in the Land of Israel/Palestine would not be able to cope with the far greater challenges involved in realizing the idea of a federation or confederation.
    By Shaul Arieli Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  6. Is There a Plausible Alternative to The Two-State Solution? ( )
    A two-state formula is still the only plausible “solution”, but ensuring that it remains feasible requires strategic leadership from Palestinian and Israeli activists who share a firm commitment to ending the occupation.
    By Tony Klug Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  7. Facing the Deep Crisis: How Will the Palestinian Authority Meet the Challenges of theNew Reality? ( )
    The Palestinian Authority needs to take on a greater role of empowering its people, working with the private sector and civil society to build the components needed for economic resilience, continued resistance against the occupation and perseverance in the national struggle.
    By Samir HuleiIeh Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  8. One State, Two Nations ( )
    It's time to acknowledge that the Israeli government and the settlers have already created an apartheid one-state reality -- and to work to change that one state into a democracy with equal rights for all citizens.
    By Gideon Levy Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  9. What Can the International Community Do to Stop Creeping Annexation and Revive the Two-State Paradigm ( )
    What is needed is a determined international stand against the illegal Jewish settlements, against the Israeli occupation and against Israeli annexation.
    By Ziad AbuZayyad Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  10. International Law, Settlements and the Two-State Solution ( )
    The Hague and Geneva Conventions mandate that the settlements in the West Bank and the Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem are illegal, and a peace agreement must adhere to international norms of justice if it is to secure the buy-in of stakeholders.
    By James Friedberg Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  11. Role of Public Opinion in the Resilience/Resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict ( )
    While the most critical factor that leads to decline in support for a two-state agreement is the perceived lack of feasibility, surveys show that certain incentives can help increase support for a plan among both Palestinians and Israeli Jews.
    By Khalil Shikaki and Dahlia Scheindlin Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  12. Acknowledging the (Violent) Elephant in the Room ( )
    Any solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will likely lead to an armed revolt or even a civil war of some dimension, unless we address the question of how to reduce the potential damage in such an eventuality.
    By Menachem Klein Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  13. Is the Two-State Solution Feasible? ( )
    We need leadership on both sides to put back on the agenda the two-state solution, which has been weakened by settlement activity, the U.S. administration's pro-Israel positions and efforts to "bribe" Arab and Gulf states, and Palestinians' internal division.
    By Bernard Sabella Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  14. What after the Deal of the Century? ( )
    The Palestinians are unlikely to accept the Trump administration's "deal," and for most Jewish Israelis, the current conflict management strategy of "muddling through" the status quo is a rational and acceptable approach.
    By Efraim Inbar Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  15. A Trilateral Confederation ( )
    A confederation of Israel, Palestine and Jordan would stabilize the region by addressing issues that have derailed past initiatives, including Jerusalem, borders, Palestinian refugees' right to return, Israeli settlers and settlements and economic and security cooperation.
    By Hanna Siniora Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  16. Is the Two-State Solution Still Applicable? ( )
    With Israel scoring diplomatic victories despite the collapse of the peace process and strengthening its hold over the West Bank, it may soon be facing the challenges of a bi-national state and a rift with world Jewry
    By Alon Liel Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  17. Annexation and the End of the Two-State Solution ( )
    Since the June 1967 war, Israel has continuously entrenched its de facto annexation of the West Bank through sovereignty-enhancing facts on the ground, making a mockery of international law.
    By Michael Lynk Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  18. Partnership, Not Separation, Is the Answer ( )
    A new two-state solution, based on the principles of independence, mutual respect and partnership, would address the issues of the intertwined populations, the 1948 refugees and the right of return, and each nation's bonds with the entire homeland.
    By Meron Rapoport Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  19. A Paradigm Shift from Two-State to One-State Solution ( )
    With the one-state solution emerging as an alternative with fewer pros than cons, the Oslo Accords need to be reframed and expanded, and a mutually accepted political/ economic framework developed, if the two-state solution is to be revived.
    By Manuel Hassassian Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  20. The History of the Two-State Solution ( )
    Given how difficult it was to achieve mutual acceptance of the two-state solution, a return to the zero-sum impasse over the conflict will likely only lead to continued conflict and bloodshed.
    By Galia Golan Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  21. How Can the Two-State Solution Be Rescued? ( )
    A permanent withdrawal from the north central area of the West Bank, not following a formal agreement but as a way to demonstrate an Israeli commitment to the creation of a Palestinian state, could alter the status quo and provide a basis for further progress .
    By Cary Nelson Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  22. The Ethics of Partition ( )
    The moral arguments against the two-state solution and for a single bi-national state are demonstrably refutable, politically imprudent, and ethically deficient.
    By Assaf Sharon Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  23. Confederation: An Idea Whose Time Has Come? ( )
    The Israeli left and its American supporters may soon be forced to choose a more viable alternative, which may well be confederation — which, even if successful, would likely take decades to establish.
    By Paul Scham Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  24. Interview
  25. Sari Nusseibeh ( )
    The basic principles should be equality of the human beings and the space that human beings and communities need to develop themselves, which can be called freedom
    Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  26. Viewpoint
  27. Martin Buber’s Vision of a Land of Two Peoples ( )
    If the two peoples are to live in mutual regard and dignity — to live not simply next-to- one-another, but with-one-another, as Buber would say — they must attain existential trust by listening to each other's narratives and sharing their "felt reality."
    Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  28. Roundtable
  29. Can the Two-State Solution Be Saved? Are There Viable Alternatives? ( )
    Menachem Klein, Alon Liel, Susie Becher, Galit Hasan-Rokem, Frances Raday, Hind Khoury, Lucy Nusseibeh, Danny Rubinstein, Khuloud Dajani, Nisreen AbuZayyad, Hillel Schenker and Ziad AbuZayyad
    Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  30. Culture, Literature and the Arts
  31. Three Short Letters, Joy, The Little Girl ( )
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    By Muhammad Al-Dhahir Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  32. A Bridge of Peace ( )
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    By Ada Aharoni Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  33. The Best Scenario, Exile ( )
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    By Karen Alkalai-Gut Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  34. Documents
  35. Moshe Shertok (Sharrett) presentation on Arab-Jewish Relationship in Mandatory Palestine, 1940 ( )
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    Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  36. Elections 2019: Positions of the Israeli Parties on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict ( )
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    Vol. 24 No. 1 2019
  37. Letter by Former European Leaders on US Plan for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict ( )
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    Vol. 24 No. 1 2019


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